FindAfrica Blog

Africa’s Stake in the Climate-Change Debate: While industrialized countries worry about how climate-change mitigation will affect their economies, the urgent adaptation needs of the poorest countries have largely been ignored. But, in accordance with the “polluter pays” . . . [read at Project Syndicate]  

Africa at Risk: Climate change will hit Africa – a continent that has contributed virtually nothing to bring it about – first and hardest. Yet some developed countries, which contributed the most to the existing stock of atmospheric greenhouse gases, balk at paying adequate compensation to poor countries and regions, despite paying trillions of dollars to clean up their bankers’ mess…. [read at Project Syndicate]  

No room for complacency in Anti-AIDS war: Yesterday, the international community commemorated World AIDS Day. In Botswana, the commemoration is not just an event but a major reminder of the colossal challenge that lies ahead. . . [read at Mmegi] 

Polygamy can keep the EAC going: Regional leaders put on some serious moves when they signed the Protocol for a Common Market for the East African Community on November 20. From July next year, East Africa’s people will begin to move, work, and live freely in the partner state they choose. For now, they can only do so in Rwanda. . . [read at The EastAfrican]

Somali Piracy: An Escalating Security Dilemma
Piracy off the coast of Somalia has grown exponentially in recent years. Only a unified stance by the international community that addresses a two-part strategy can facilitate the eradication of Somali piracy…. [read at Africa Policy Journal]

Through the Looking Glass: A Comparative Case Study Analyzing the Origins of Central Command and Africa Command
This article examines the impetus for the establishment of the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) and the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) in an effort to better understand how perceived threats to U.S. national security have evolved since the Cold War. The commands were created because new threats to American national security were inadequately addressed by the preexisting military organization…. [read at Africa Policy Journal]

Africa’s Urban Farmers
Across Africa, political leaders, long dismissive of rural concerns, have awakened to the importance of agriculture and the role that educated people, even those living in major cities, can play in farming. With prices for basic foodstuffs at their highest levels in decades, many urbanites feel well rewarded by farming…. [read at Project Syndicate]

Stabilizing the Horn
After almost two decades as a failed state torn by civil war, perhaps the world should begin to admit that Somalia — as it is currently constructed — is beyond repair. If so, the place to start is the northernmost region, Somaliland, situated strategically at the opening to the Red Sea and already more or less autonomous and stable….[read at Project Syndicate]

A Less-is-More Growth Strategy for Africa
If African countries were to adopt only one policy to boost economic growth and improve macroeconomic stability, they should reduce the number of currencies in circulation across the continent as quickly as possible. Currencies, to paraphrase Winston Churchill, are like democracies: the best way to preserve their integrity is to share them…. [read at Project Syndicate]

by: The Editor, November 28, 2005

The militant American black nationalist leader El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz better known as Malcolm X, in his autobiography explains that if you are competing with an advisory who always wins then he is doing something you’re not. In African politics, all too often incumbents win elections. However, they win not because of the will of the people, but because they are doing something the opposition is not…. often cheating, intimidating and manipulating on a grand scale.

On November 21 Kenyans voted to reject the draft constitution that would introduce changes to the current constitution that include, most prominently, a strong president with a weak prime minister. As correctly stated by President Mwai Kibaki, the referendum was a major leap in the consolidation of democratic governance in Kenya. This is because the referendum was held relatively peacefully and although the opposition won, the president did not resort to illegal tactics steal the vote. Like Daniel arap Moi before him, President Kibaki opted to respect the will of the people. This is admirable in African politics where ever election is watched with anxious expectation out of fear that the incumbent may choose to stay on despite the will of the people.

Strong vs. Weak President
Although the referendum included several important modifications to the Kenyan constitution such as establishment of Christian religious courts, women’s property rights, election of local leaders and a ban on abortion, the election campaign turned on the distribution of power between the president and prime minister. Supporters of the constitution, which included President Kibaki, argued for a strong president and a prime minister appointed by the president. Their opponents, who included 7 of President Kibaki’s ministers and the opposition, sought an elected Prime Minister who would share power with the president. They argued that a strong president as envisioned by the referendum supporters would fuel ethnic tensions.

What Next?
After defeating the draft constitution, the referendum’s opponents in parliament may seek to bring down the government by forcing a vote of no-confidence in the government as they have suggested in the past. This is certainly within their right and if initiated, must not be taken as a personal attack by President Kibaki.

In order to ensure continued consolidation of democracy in Kenya, all parties must continue to pursue legal options. In that regard, President Kibaki should response to political maneuverings on the part of the opposition with legal and ethical responses.

There is also the issue of the opposition calling for mass action to force the government out of office as they have suggested they may. The calling of mass action to unseat a democratically elected government is an important matter that should not be resorted to lightly.

Mass protests may promote and consolidate ethnic divisions in Kenya. This will reverse democratic gains made in Kenya- a development that would be to the detriment of most Kenyans. The opposition must respond in a manner that ensures peaceful coexistence amongst all parties.

Cabinet Dismissed
As a result of the referendum defeat, President Kibaki has sacked his entire cabinet and postponed the reopening of parliament. This bold move, although constitutionally questionable, provides the president with significant latitude to responding to the referendum defeat. He has the opportunity to select a cabinet that will represent the will of the people of Kenya. President Kibaki should select a cabinet with an eye toward reconciliation. Only be reconciling himself with the will of the people of Kenya can he expect, and indeed should he deserve, to remain in power. If President Kibaki intends to contest future elections, he should immediately initiate changes that will align himself with the majority of voters in Kenya. The first may be to join the people of Kenya in working toward a constitution that more equitably distributes power between a President and an elected Prime Minister.

by: The Editor, November 25, 2005

In 2006, Uganda is scheduled to hold its first multi-party democratic election since President Yoweri Museveni took office 20-years ago. In the last elections which was held under the Movement system in 2001, a system in which individual candidates run based on individual merit, President Museveni defeated his main rival, Dr. Kizza Besigye by winning 69% of the vote in an election in which Dr. Besigye accused the government of using force, intimidation, and violence. Dr. Besigye went to court and challenged the result but lost. He fled Uganda after the court decision claiming his life was in danger.

Arrested upon return
Dr. Besigye returned home on November 1, 2005 after 4 years in exile in South Africa. He wasted no time after arrival at Entebbe before attacking the Museveni administration.  An action that may have contributed to his arrest on November 14, 2005 for treason and rape after the government had previously given assurances that “they had nothing against him”.

The arrest of Dr. Besigye has turned politics in Uganda on its head. The arrest has led to unfavorable comparisons between Uganda and Zimbabwe where opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was arrested ahead of the March 2002 elections.

Decision to run
Until recently, President Museveni has been considered one of a new breed of African leaders. During his 20-year rule, Uganda’s economy has grown steadily at an annual average growth of over 5%. His administration’s commitment to tackle poverty, improve education, and fight HIV has been applauded by many around the world. Achievements of his administration in addition to economic improvement have included the doubling of primary school education enrolment and reduction in HIV cases.

Until recently, President Museveni had been fiercely critical of African leaders who, he felt, overstayed their time in power. However, last year at a national conference for senior members of the ruling Movement grouping that gathered to discuss return to multiparty politics, President Museveni proposed that term limits for the presidency be revisited. As a result, earlier this year, Uganda’s constitution was amended to lift term limits allowing President Museveni to contest the 2006 elections.

Since the lifting of presidential term limits, the president has declared his intention to stand for re-election in next March’s polls. President Museveni’s current stance is in direct contrast with what he emphasized for so many years- that he is a new breed of African president, one who will not overstay his welcome.

History repeating?
President Museveni’s remains one a comparatively good president, although his increasing heavy handedness with which he deals with opponents and supporters who speaks against him leaves much to be desired. When the President’s friend, Eriya Kategaya, with whom he had struggled against Idi Amin in 1970s opposed his campaign to amend the constitution, Mr. Kategaya was removed from parliament.

But why did President Museveni seek to amend the constitution so that he may contest the presidency in 2006? Is it to promote a “cause” as he suggested when he responded to rumors that he not contest the presidency and instead seek a UN position? In that instance, the president was reported to have remarked, “I’m looking for a cause, not a job.”  But if it is “a cause” that President Museveni seeks, can he not further that cause at the UN, in civil society or even in government (but not as president)? Must he be the president to further his cause?

At a press conference at the Commonwealth summit in Malta, President Museveni remarked to the effect that as long as Ugandans have the power to accept or reject a president, he does not see a need for a term limit. This would suggest that President Museveni believes that if the people of Uganda are willing to keep re-electing him, he should be allowed to be president for life.

Successor
In President Museveni 2001 election manifesto, he claimed that he wanted a second and last term in office and that one of his tasks during that term would be to choose a successor. Is it possible that President Museveni has been unable to find a successor amongst the 26 million inhabitants of Uganda? It is inconceivable that President Museveni must remain as president if his cause is to be pursued? It would seem that a carefully selected successor who shares his belief in his cause should run for president instead.

I have been an admirer of President Museveni for many years. I still believe he and the Ugandan people will make the right decisions. Let us hope that if he contests the presidential elections in 2006 and wins, he does not follow in the footsteps of others who initially governed well but saw their governance decline. And, if he does not win the election, we should hope that the president does not stand in the way of Uganda’s first peaceful transition since independence. With luck, the next administration will work to reinstate presidential term limit.

by: The Editor, November 21, 2005

Brief History
Founded in 1847, Liberia is Africa’s oldest republic. Liberia was founded by free American slaves who settled along its coast. Liberia experienced relatively calm until 1980 when Master Sergeant Samuel Doe staged a military coup, and executed then president, William Tolbert Jr., and 13 of his aides. This was the beginning of a downward spiral in Liberia. The country that had know relative stability for over 125 years would experience another coup and eventually and a full-scale 13-year civil war that has killed thousands and forced many more to flee.

Recent Development
In the last few years, Liberia has been relatively normal under a transitional president, Gyude Bryant. Elections held on October 11, 2005 has led to a runoff election between George Weah, a former international soccer star, and Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, an economist and former World Bank officer. However, results of the runoff elections have been marred by accusations of improprieties leveled by George Weah against Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf who won the runoff election. The allegations, which include ballot box stuffing, are under investigation by Liberia’s National Election Commission.

The accusations threaten to make an already fragile situation in Liberia worse. Until the election commission has completed its investigation, which is scheduled to be completed on or around November 23, a president cannot be declared. In the interim, the country waits.

What to do?
Based on the current situation, it seems that Liberia’s National Election Commission can make one of two possible decisions as a result of its investigation of the alleged improprieties. The first possibility is to declare Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf the winner of the runoff elections. This would make her not only Liberia’s next president but also Africa’s first elected female president. Such a decision would be supported by observations of regional, African and Western observers who were in Liberia during the election to observe the process. These observers declared the elections generally free and fair.

However, this decision is unlikely to be accepted by Mr. Weah. He may seek redress in the Courts, a strategy he tried previously when he attempted to halt counting of ballots after first accusing Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf and her party of improprieties.

The second possibility is that the commission may declare the runoff elections invalid and schedule new elections. Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf will not welcome this decision, as she believes she has won fairly and to invalidate the results of a fairly administered and competed election, at the very least, can be seen as making a mockery of the process. It would seem that whatever the decision of the National Election Commission, one candidate will feel cheated.

Feelings of being cheated on the part of a candidates not withstanding, a decision that invalidates the results of the election and calls for new second round voting may help mend fences in a country that is emerging for years of misrule. Liberia has known so many years of horror that any step toward normalcy that ensures a smoother transition is arguably preferable.

In light of this, a compromise may be the best approach. A compromise that calls for new election in areas were improprieties are determined to have occurred should provide the legitimacy that should be sought by all sides contesting the elections. This would address any improprieties that occurred during the elections while at the same time saving Liberia the expense of a full runoff election. Performing elections in a smaller area would also allow the Nation Election Commission to exercise it’s efforts in a smaller area and therefore ensure a smoother and problem free process. These should address the concerns of both candidates.

by: The Editor, November 17, 2005

In recent weeks, attacks on ships off the cost of Somalia have increased dramatically. Ships recently attached have included cruise ships, bulk carriers, cargo ships, and ships delivering United Nations food aid to impoverished Somalis. Pirates using heavy machine guns, rocket-propelled grenades, and even handguns have attacked these ships, and when successful, held the ships’ kidnapped crew as hostages for ransom.

The situation off the coast of Somalia, a country with one of Africa’s longest coasts, is rapidly deteriorating. And the nascent government of President Abdullahi Yusuf has yet to establish sufficient control to rein in the pirates.

The pirates operating off the coast of Somalia represent a direct threat to Somalia’s future and the future of the sub-region. The food aid and trade delivered by many of the ships that are under attack by these pirates are needed by the impoverished and war ravaged country. The activities of these criminals, if continued unchecked, have the potential to discourage most ship operators from the waters of Somalia. This will have the disastrous effect of limiting already scares food supply and trade.

The activities of these pirates also represent a threat to the region. The pirates’ continued presence will adversely affect conditions in Somalia and slow any return to normalcy. This will, in turn, prevent Somalia from becoming a net contributor to the region and the world. By discouraging ships from traveling along the East African coast near Somalia, the region runs the risk of ships bypassing it entirely as the ship operators seek to avoid the pirates. Such tactics, if adopted by ship operators, will have significant financial repercussions for countries in the region.

These pirates must be stopped immediately.

by: The Editor

The recently held elections and transfer of power in Kenya has returned some of to Africa and Africans some of what was stollen during the Zimbabwan elections. Kenyans have shown that democracy, true multi-party non-violent democracy, can exist in Africa. Unfortunately, few countries in African can make this claim. After the Kenyan elections, we can add one more country to that very short list.

World leaders have showered congratulations on the Kenyan people and their new president, Mwai Kibaki. At the swearing in ceremony, thousands of Kenyans celebrated. The Kenyan people have achieved what many African countries have found elusive. They must be congratulated.

However, my purpose writing is not simply to add my voice to the congratulations being showered on the Kenyan people but to draw attention to something that has escaped most observers. A crucial detail that has prevented many African countries from achieving what Kenya has achieved.

The Kenyan elections in many ways were similar to elections that have been held in other African countries in the past. Essentially, elections were held. And the people voted their choice  (the opposition). What is unique about the Kenyan elections is that the ruling party handed power over to the opposition. Yes. What is special about the Kenyan elections is not that President Kibaki won, for it could have been one of any number of people in the opposition. What’s uncommon about the Kenyan elections is that Uhuru Kenyatta promptly conceded defeat as well as any politician in any part of the world. What is different is that Former President Moi did not try to hold on to power. He promptly handed power to the opposition after the opposition had been declared winners of the election.

We all know thigs could have all gone very wring had former president Moi and Uhuru Kenyatta acted otherwise. Think Zimbabwe. For this, I also want to congratulate former president Moi and Uhuru Kenyatta in addition to the Kenyan People. If all African leaders were as willing to hold multi-party democratic elections and hand power over to the opposition as former president Moi, Africa would be much better off. Good Govonership would not be a key goal of the African Union. Let’s hope that when his time comes, President Kibaki is as willing as former president Moi to hand over power. Lets also hope that some day, all African leaders will do what former president Moi has done: Hold elections and hand power to the opposition if they should loose.